Die Dunkelkammer

Ein Jude, ein Muslim, ein Christ - gemeinsam für Frieden und Versöhnung. Wie geht das?

Der US-Rabbiner Brant Rosen, der Friedensforscher Muhammad Abu Nimer, ein palästinensischer Muslim, und Mitri Raheb, ein arabischer Christ und Theologieprofessor - drei Männer, die man im Nahostkonflikt auf unterschiedlichen Seiten vermuten würde. Statt dessen setzen sie sich - Schulter und Schulter - für Versöhnung und Gerechtigkeit ein. Ein kühnes Unterfangen, zumal in diesen Zeiten. Religion wird in kriegerischen Konflikten allzu oft als Waffe eingesetzt. Sie könnte - davon sind der Jude, der Muslim und der Christ zutiefst überzeugt - aber auch eine Quelle für Solidarität und Menschlichkeit sein. In dieser Folge geht es um ein bemerkenswertes, von der Theologin Viola Raheb von langer Hand eingefädeltes Gespräch, das am 23. Juni 2025 auf Einladung des Bruno Kreisky Forums stattgefunden hat. Es handelt von der Möglichkeit von Frieden, auch wenn er noch so unmöglich erschient.

Edith Meinhart
Ein Jude, ein Muslim und Ein Christ. Die drei Männer haben am 23. Juni in einem Haus am Stephansplatz über Religion, Gerechtigkeit und den Nahostkonflikt gesprochen. Religion wird in politischen und militärischen Konflikten als Waffe eingesetzt, sie könnte aber auch Solidarität begründen. Es geht in diesem Gespräch, das in sehr kleinem Rahmen stattgefunden hat, um die Möglichkeit von Frieden, auch wenn er noch so unmöglich erscheint. Man würde die drei Männer im Nahostkonflikt auf unterschiedlichen Seiten vermuten. Stattdessen setzen sie sich gemeinsam für Frieden und Verständigung ein.

Wie geht das? Es ist ein kühnes Unterfangen, zumal in Zeiten wie diesen. Viola Raheb hat dieses Pressegespräch am 23. Juni eingefädelt und auch moderiert. Am Abend traten Rosen, Abu Nima und Rahab im Bruno Kreisky Forum vor einem breiteren Publikum auf. Als Erster ist Rabbiner Brand Rosen am Wort. Er erzählt, was sich seit dem Massaker der radikalislamischen Hamas am 7.

Oktober 2023 in den USA abspielt.

Brant Rosen
So I want to in some ways offer the perspective from the United States, which I understand is quite dramatically different from Europe. And when I say the situation, I mean the situation in the Jewish community following October seventh, twenty twenty three, a significant part of the Jewish Community and many Jews who were never affiliated with the Jewish community, but suddenly began to activate and mobilize as Jews started organizing. And I hope this was covered in Europe at the end of October, hundreds of US, many of us affiliated with Jewish Voice for Peace, which is a very important organization which I affiliate with I'm not sure if it was in the bio, but I'm the co-founder of the Jewish. Voice for Peace. Rabbinical Council mobilized together with Palestinian partners in Washington, DC and held space in one of the Capitol Building Rotundas and Hundreds. Of us took a rest in protest of the unfolding genocide in Gaza. That was the beginning of more actions than I can count.

If you look at the pictures from these actions, you'll see people wearing Kipot Yamakas, wearing Jewish prayer shawls, using Jewish language and there is a very powerfully emergent sector. It's still the minority in the Jewish community, but it is growing, and it is particularly notable among young Jewish people, as every demographic study of the Jewish community shows that the younger section of the Jewish community does not identify with Israel and Zionism. I myself am the rabbi of a congregation that has four hundred and eighty families and we are an anti zionist congregation. Anti Zionism is part of our core values statement, and since October Seventh we've almost doubled in size so yes, this is a minority in the Jewish community, but it's a significant one and it is a growing one.

Edith Meinhart
Der US amerikanische Rabbiner Brent Rosen wurde 1963 in Los Angeles geboren, gilt als Streiter für soziale Gerechtigkeit und Menschenrechte und ist eine der bekanntesten jüdischen Stimmen in den USA, die sich offen gegen Zionismus und für Solidarität mit den Palästinensern aussprechen. Damit exponiert er sich in den USA nicht nur in der jüdischen Gemeinde, sondern darüber hinaus. Der Idee eines jüdischen Nationalstaates kann Rosen nichts abgewinnen. Aus seiner Sicht ist er die ideologische Basis für die Entrechtung der Palästinenser. An seiner Person scheiden sich die Geister. Seine Kritiker werfen ihm vor, antisemitische Narrative zu bedienen, die jüdische Gemeinschaft zu spalten und zu verkennen, wie wichtig Israel als Zufluchtsort für Juden nach der Shoah war und angesichts der geopolitischen Bedrohungen bis heute ist. Die Washington Post schildert Rosen als starken Kritiker Israels, als Rabbiner, der für viele Juden eine Provokation darstelle.

Die New York Times begreift Rosens Position als Teil einer wachsenden, aber umstrittenen Strömung innerhalb des amerikanischen Judentums, die sich für eine jüdische Identität ohne nationale Bindung stark macht. Rosen ist Mitbegründer der Organisation Jewish Voice for Peace. Hören wir ihm noch einmal zu.

Brant Rosen
And now we have an administration who is criminalizing, literally criminalizing, and in some cases incarcerating Palestinians and Palestine solidarity activists for their solidarity. I don't see myself as a Jewish person. I don't see myself as an ally to Palestinians. I don't use an allyship model for the work. I engage in I'm part of a movement. I see myself as partners to Palestinians and accountable to Palestinians. And I see that solidarity as a sacred imperative.

I draw upon my Jewish values and my Jewish tradition, most primarily the teaching from Torah that all human beings are created in the divine image and that the pursuit of justice, Rodfait Sedek is a paramount sacred value. That my solidarity comes from my own understanding of my religious tradition as well as being a person of conscience.

Edith Meinhart
Nun ist Muhammad Abu Nimer an der Reihe, ein palästinensisch-amerikanischer Wissenschaftler und Aktivist. Er ist Muslim, Professor für International Peace and Conflict Resolution an der American University in Washington und setzt sich seit Jahrzehnten für Versöhnung, interreligiösen Dialog und Frieden ein, weltweit und insbesondere im Nahen Osten. Dazu hat er zahlreiche Bücher und Aufsätze veröffentlicht. Abu Nimer betont die Rolle von Empathie in Friedensprozessen und er ist überzeugt, dass Religionen und Kulturen dazu befähigen können, Feindbilder zu überwinden. Der Friedensforscher tritt für eine friedliche Koexistenz im Nahen Osten ein und pflegt im Vergleich zum jüdischen Rabbiner eine verbindliche Rhetorik. Mit expliziten Äußerungen zur Staatsform hält er sich zurück und bemüht sich um den interreligiösen Brückenschlag. Diese Arbeit sei nie schwieriger gewesen wie derzeit.

Man müsse jedes Wort auf die Waagschale legen, sagte er. Kritische Stimmen würden mundtot gemacht. Religiöse Führer hätten nach dem 7. Oktober und nach den Attacken auf den Iran versagt. Warum schweigen sie? Warum zögern sie auch nur ein Ende der Gewalt zu fordern, fragt sich der muslimische Friedensforscher.

Muhammad Abu Nimer
Why is the majority of the religious institutions, particularly those who are on platforms of cooperation and dialogue that I've worked with them for over forty years? I said are so hesitant in taking a clear stand, even calling for ceasefire for two years. They could not bring themselves to many of them. They could not bring themselves to do this. And on the other hand, I mean, this is from the religious group work as a Palestinian Arab Muslim who worked in the US for the past thirty-five years and lived. There and also as a citizen as well, it is very scary to live in a period of time where you have to calculate every statement you make because of the fear of being sanctioned, being punished, being monitored, scrutinized. And we see this not only among students, we see this among faculty in school, in academic sitting.

We have heard about people who have lost their jobs for just the simple expression of dissent or not agreeing with the with the government line or with, I would say with the pro Israel agencies in the US context. So criminalizing and silencing voices that call for peace for justice, call simply to end the apartheid system that have existed in the West Bank and Gaza. For decades now and ended up with having a government in Israel led by benign and smutrish and Netanyahu, that I think reflects the manipulation, weaponization, manipulation of religious identity and justifying just normalizing and justifying in many ways racism and anti arab, anti muslim racism in the mind and the psychic and all in the name of defense, all in the name of security. It's unfortunate that we are seeing this. I don't want to also be very I teach peace and conflict resolution. So it's very hard to stay on the description destruction. There are many voices and many movements and many courageous people who took the streets.

There are new phenomena of young people on campuses around the world, who have joined together across national, across ethnicity, cross religious and calling to end this war and calling to again support finally self-determination and liberation for the Palestinian people in Gaza and the West Bank as well, and also calling for the end of this militarization. Because I think what we're witnessing overall, we're witnessing a pattern where unfortunately the survival of the fittest is the rule the bigger your gun is the more likelihood you will survive. However, only few of us can get the chance to have a big gun. And that's I think what attack on Iran is about, it's about establishing a full domination of Israeli government, military system funded and supported by the American weapon industry conflicts in order to ensure that no other regime in the region among the twenty one Arab countries, or to that matter fifty seven Muslim countries around the world, they will not necessarily have any form of balance of power with the domination and the hegemonic force of Israeli power and military. And that might work, I think that might work to silence people for ten fifteen years, so maximum they are buying time of five ten fifteen years. The children who are now five ten years old when they are twenty years old, they will pick up the fight again and they will continue until there is a balance with the principle of dignity, freedom and liberty where people are asking for that.

Edith Meinhart
Abu Nimer spricht von einer Bewaffnung der religiösen Identität, aus der nichts Gutes erwachsen könne. Die nächste Generation werde den Kampf wieder aufnehmen, bis es ein Gleichgewicht an Würde.

Muhammad Abu Nimer
Gebeten And I think this destruction that we're seeing nothing good can come out of this, except further animosity, further hate speech and further weaponization of religious identity. And we have went down this road for so many decades. And unfortunately, we have not yet to learn the lesson that with weapon and maß destruction weaponry we cannot. Achieve any form of peace and justice what we need. We need again arrangements that allow people to live in dignity in freedom, get their equal rights and be feeling as equally humans to each other. There is no there is no justification for ideology of religious superiority of one group over the other. And I hope that those who have been on the right side of history, their voices will be heard more and more.

Edith Meinhart
Der Dritte im Bunde ist Mitri Raheb, seines Zeichens arabischer christ. Er ist 1962 in Bethlehem im Westjordanland geboren, Gründer und Präsident der dortigen Dar al-Kalima Universität und auch sein Werdegang ist beeindruckend. Mitri Raheb stand der Synode der Evangelisch Lutherischen Kirche in Jordanien vor, leitete bis 2017 die Weihnachtskirche in Bethlehem und brachte sich in viele soziale und kulturelle Initiativen und NGOs ein. Er schrieb das Buch Decolonizing Palestine the Land, the People, the Bible, um nur eines von mehreren zu nennen. Außerdem engagiert er sich für die Befreiung der Palästinenser-Gebiete von militärischer Besatzung. Und er meint, Frieden und Sicherheit seien nur möglich, wenn Palästinenser und Israelis gleichberechtigt seien, unabhängig von der konkreten Staatsform. Seine Arbeit wurde mehrfach ausgezeichnet, unter anderem mit dem Olof Palme Preis.

Mitri Raheb
I think we are living in a time of crisis after the Second World War. The international community developed instruments like the Human Rights chart, like international law, like Geneva conventions to put some rules how the world could function if we want not to repeat the mistake of the First and Second World War. It's very clear today that international law and human rights, Geneva Convention, are all actually under attack by those governments that worked actually to develop them. So when international law and human rights doesn't anymore apply. Unfortunately, aggressive regimes worldwide use religion to sanctify their sanctions and we see this everywhere in the world. So when you see Putin hugging the orthodox, the Russian orthodox patriarch while attacking Ukraine, you understand what that means. Or when you see Netanyahu quoting one Samuel, fifteen three talking about Amalek, basically quoting God requesting God himself, requesting ethnic cleansing, where it says about Amalek.

Go and smash Amalek and destroy everything. Old young women, men, children suckling ox and sheep. You understand actually how religion is being used actually to sanctify the ethnic cleansing of Gaza and the settler colonization of the West Bank right now in the US we are dealing with the most christian zionist American administration ever. I mean, if you look at the people around President Trump, you will see most of them are Christian Zionists. Actually they believe Israel has the right to have exclusive monopoly over historic Palestine. The Palestinians have no right to be there unless as christians who have been living there for two thousand years.

Edith Meinhart
Der Theologieprofessor ist zum Krieg unmittelbar betroffen. Im Anschluss an seinen Wien Aufenthalt wird er nach Bethlehem zurückkehren. Der Gott des Friedens habe sich scheinbar in einen Gott des Krieges verwandelt, sagt er. Im Herbst erscheint Dmitri Rahebs neues Buch. Es befasst sich mit der jüngsten Militarisierung der Religion. Die Theologie könne nach Gaza nicht mehr dieselbe sein wie vorher.

Mitri Raheb
We thought actually we got rid of this idea that our God is the God of Peace. This is what we have been preaching all along. But it seems, this is now the time where God the warrior is being worshiped. And this goes hand in hand with militarization that we see happening worldwide. Look at Europe the extent of the five percent now that. Has to be actually restricted for the militarization of the countries. We see how now, with the case of Iran people were, I mean the way they were talking about this bomb that dropped on Iran.

It's like almost, it has even some religious language we are worshiping now this military expansion that is happening worldwide. And this is why for me, what happened in Gaza actually was a turning point. It was a turning point exactly the same way like the Holocaust in Europe was a turning point when the Christian Church at that time actually had to stop and to think maybe some of our theology actually was developed and helped led us to Holocaust.

The Christian theology. And I think now we have to ask if Christian theology and Jewish theology actually has led to this genocide in Gaza. And so my next book that is coming out in September has the title Theology after Gaza. Which means doing Theology after Gaza cannot be the same like doing theology before Gaza, if we really want to learn from history, this is the time to learn from history. Otherwise I see actually history repeating itself. We are not learning at all.

We are in the Previous Nineteen Forty-Five Era Where Fascism. Is rising and fascism actually and religion are becoming partners. And we have to be very clear. Unfortunately in all three traditions we have texts that can be weaponized for war, but we have also text that can be, that can help us to highlight the importance of justice, peace and I think this is what we stand for here for us. What's happening right now in Gaza and the West Bank is of existential. Threat. Not only for us as Palestinians, but also for us as Palestinian Christians.

Christianity in Gaza will cease to exist within this decade. There are only six hundred Christians left in. Gaza. They will not survive the genocide. And in the West Bank, I think by twenty fifty, I don't see any Christians that are left there because of the international politics that is happening for me. This is alarming because Palestine will lose an important part of its pluralistic nature and character. And so basically this Christian Zionism is helping to kill the last Palestinian Christians that are left there.

Edith Meinhart
Es sei nicht leicht, diese Botschaft zu hören, bemerkt Moderatorin Viola Raheb an dieser Stelle. Die Jährige ist eine bekannte Friedensaktivistin, Theologin, Erwachsenenbildnerin und Buchautorin und sie ist die Schwester von Dmitri Raheb. Mit 25 Jahren war sie bereits Schulrätin für christliche Schulen in Palästina und Jordanien, die erste Frau in dieser Position. Sie studierte im deutschen Heidelberg und lebt Seit mehr als 20 Jahren in Österreich, wo sie zu einer herausragenden Stimme und gefragten Vortragenden auf dem Gebiet der Friedenspädagogik sowie zu interreligiösen Fragen, Bildungsgerechtigkeit, Menschenrechten und gesellschaftlichem Wandel wurde. Auch Viola Raheb verfügt über eine beachtliche Publikationsliste. Außerdem organisierte sie zahlreiche Konferenzen, Dialogforen und Workshops, etwa mit Jugendlichen aus dem Nahen Osten. Sie gibt nun wieder an Abu Nima weiter.

Der in den USA lebende Palästinenser sammelte und analysierte nach dem Terrorangriff der Hamas am 7. Oktober 2023 Stellungnahmen aus aller Welt und registrierte eine weit verbreitete Angst, sich einem Antisemitismusvorwurf auszusetzen. Solidarität mit Gaza werde schnell mit Unterstützung für die Hamas gleichgesetzt, sagt er.

Muhammad Abu Nimer
You see silence. And then the question is, why would an organization who's a global transnational interreligious, does not put a statement out to call for the end of the war, for ceasefire or for end of genocide or for using the term Apartheid or Ethnic Cleansing or Starvation. Of Gaza, children and women in Gaza. And it's mind boggling what holds you as a religious organization from having this prophetic voice. And one of then we did some interviews and look at the content of those statements. The language that's being used is a language that sends a message very clear. We are afraid of being accused of antisemitism.

That is the first obstacle. And that is kind of a trap, kind of a block, a wall that I have seen it in the US among corporate, among schools, universities, any organization. This mix between critique of Israeli governments and antisemitism, critique of Israeli governments and Judaism. And it's very refreshing to hear Rabbi saying that through the process of his work, making that distinction, something that I think should be made not only by Jewish, by Jews or by Israeli, but also by Muslims, by Christian, by everyone around the world, is to learn the nuance of making the distinction between the critique of a government and the issue of antisemitism. And that has been one of the main obstacle. The second obstacle is the issue in my view, I've seen it is this notion of in many ways the concept of Hamas, Hamas being involved there, dehumanizing Hamas, satanizing Hamas to the extent that any form of solidarity with the Palestinian in Gaza, it becomes a solidarity with Hamas. And the whole issue of islamophobia is thrown at you.

And you feel it that they're very careful from not associating themselves with with the solidarity, because otherwise you're supporting this evil and this subhuman paramilitary group called Hamas. It's terrorist and therefore you don't want to be on their sides. The third condition has been the issue of funding. Many of these organizations have been receiving funding from governments and from agenda that is basically in many ways supporting Israel. It's very obvious that governments, many governments in Western Europe continue to provide military, military aid and weapon to Israel, even as we speak now, when Israel is in the middle of the genocide against Palestinian Britain, Germany, France and other countries continue to support that military machine. And the same organization receiving money from also some of those governments. So they're afraid that their funding going to be cut.

Edith Meinhart
Wann immer er Mohammed Abu Nima in den vergangenen zwei Jahren im Arabischen. Raum unterwegs gewesen sei und die Sprache auf westliche Demokratien und Menschenrechte gekommen sei, habe er bloß verächtliches Lachen und Zynismus geerntet.

Muhammad Abu Nimer
And I've been in Palestine, I've been in Jordan, in Egypt and in many Arab countries in the past two years. You cannot speak of democracy or human rights or religion and peace.

They will laugh at you. The legitimacy and the credibility of Western human rights discourse has reached. One of the lowest level I have seen in thirty years in the region. They're simply very cynical and the only word that they throw at you. Please don't talk to us about the Western government hypocrisy.

Edith Meinhart
Über Israel und Gaza zu berichten ist ein Balanceakt. Journalist innen wähnen sich mitunter auf einem Minenfeld. Wer für ein Existenzrecht der Palästinenser eintritt, gerät schnell in den Verdacht, gegen ein Existenzrecht von Israel zu sein. Wie kommt man da heraus? Eine Frage, die sich auch Prof. Abu Nima oft gestellt hat.

Muhammad Abu Nimer
I'm a faculty in university for the past thirty years and I have been monitored over thirty years of everything I will say and any public statements and always have to take into consideration the holy symmetry, the holy balance. So always equating now.

As if we're speaking now. Seventy thousand Palestinian killed, you equate them with hostages. You equate seventy-thousand. You equate over ninety-thousand houses destroyed. In Gaza. You look at Gaza and you see Dresden. That's what you see.

You look at American distributing food every day for the past three weeks or so and everyday killing in the food distribution center. You see twenty to thirty people killed every day because they're coming to look to ask for food. The level of dehumanization is incredible. And you wonder I have two children. They're both professional now I had to answer them. Why? Our life as a human as Palestinian and as muslim as Arab is less than Jewish.

What is it so special about protecting the Jewish life yet? Palestinian, Arab Muslim life is not equal. So you have one person equal three thousand to overcome the self- censorship is really struggle. In all fields. What I have seen is that we all struggle against this. It's not only propaganda this paradigm, this discourse that they are terrorists, whoever are. They are the terrorists and we are the right one.

We are on the moral side, we are the human. Even as We killed seventy thousand people in Gaza. And I just came back from Israel. I still hear in the discourse in the news how enlightened our army is, how humane our army is. That discourse have penetrated Austria. I work in Austria for over eight years in interreligious dialogue and I have seen how the media dealt with it. And I know many of the difficulty within that discourse is the one need to be challenged if academician and journalist and religious leader cannot challenge it.

Our children, our young people will continue to be brainwashed by the ideology and the paradigm that there are human and there are especially human, there are people and there are special people. And I think it takes courage and it take a price, it take a cost, it take a cost to be weighed to do that.

Edith Meinhart
Hat Europa aus der Geschichte gelernt. Der palästinensische Christ Mitri Rahab meldet Zweifel an. In Wirklichkeit stehe Europa zumeist auf Seiten der Mächtigen, das Geld ja auch für die Kirche.

Mitri Raheb
I think Europe, not all of Europe, but let's say the German speaking Europe, they are still standing with powerful. This is what it's all about. It's not about so whoever has the power you stand with them. And if we look at the Church, even during Nazi Germany, it was a minority of Christians who had the courage like Bonhoeffer to stand against the power. And I think today also there is only a minority of Christians of Jews etcetera who stand with those that are attacked that are being attacked. So I don't think really it's about we learned something from history and it stats reson. I think at the end of the day we have to realize the state of Israel is the last European colonial project and Europe continue to stand with Israel, because it's a colonial European project.

This is what it is. And because if it's a colonial project, you can see actually that religion, finances, military and political power are all utilized to defend this project. This is what it's all about. Let's name it what it is.

Edith Meinhart
Nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg habe sich ein machtvolles Narrativ verbreitet, demzufolge Israel das Überleben der NS Tötungsmaschinerie repräsentiert. Israel zu unterstützen gelte als eine Art Wiedergutmachung. Rabbiner Rosen hält einen Moment der Wahrheit für gekommen. Man könne schweigen oder sich für eine andere Geschichte einsetzen, eine, die weniger mörderisch sei. Religion habe stets mit den Mächtigen gepackelt, sie aber andererseits auch herausgefordert. Einmal werde sie als Waffe genützt, das andere Mal als Mittel für Verständigung und Frieden für beide Richtungen gäbe es theologische Rechtfertigungen. Man müsse sich für eine entscheiden.

Muhammad Abu Nimer
That.

Brant Rosen
After the Holocaust, the cataclysm of the Holocaust, Israel represented redemption from a Jewish point of view, it represented life after the death machine of the Holocaust rebirth in their quote unquote homeland. And it also gave Europe and the world a kind of redemptive focus that they could support Israel and somehow atone, especially in Europe, for the sins of the Second World war. That narrative is a very deep and powerful one. It's also a very toxic one and was from the beginning because this redemptive movement Zionism created a state on the backs of another people. And it created what is now the largest refugee? Population in the world. And it created a miseration for the Palestinian people.

So there was nothing redemptive about the creation of the state of Israel in the wake of the Second World War. But that is the narrative that we've bought into morally, politically diplomatically. And now we're seeing in this moment the horrible, toxic, fatal flaw at the center of that narrative. And we need to write a new narrative. And narrative change is very difficult. People who go up against the dominant narrative and say no, this actually is not the way, this is the way we'll pay a price for that. There is a price to be paid.

I hate to keep saying it over and over again, but it's true. The young people who were not raised with this narrative, whether they're young Jewish people or young people around the world, they just have to look out at the world and see what they see, and they realize that it's a bogus narrative. They're not buying into it. And they're finding other ways to express their political and ethical sensibilities and drawing their own conclusions.

Edith Meinhart
Die drei Männer am Podium plädieren für neue religiöse Auslegungen, die Versöhnung, Gerechtigkeit und Vielfalt ins Zentrum rücken. Sie könnten helfen, spaltende, kriegstreibende Narrative zu beenden und den Boden für neue, friedensschaffende Narrative zu bereiten. Rabbiner Brand Rosen führt aus Religion at.

Brant Rosen
Its best is when it struggles against empire and militarism and colonialism. There are so many examples we can give of that in my country. The Civil Rights movement is a great example of that the White Supremacists of the south were white. Christian God fearing people who waved. The Bible to find justification for their racism. King was waving the same Bible promoting a religion of liberation. And I think that gives us an example, a theological example of the stark difference between those who see religion as liberatory religion at its best and those who use religion as a weapon for power over other people religion at its worst.

And that's a microcosm that we can apply to any number of examples throughout history. And we need to be standing up and promoting liberatory religion. Whatever faith we believe in that stands down state power that stands. Down militarism that stands down colonialism. And right now religion wedded to power with these extremes that you're describing is on the Ascent for all kinds of, I think geopolitical reasons, but as religious figures I think we're here to be promoting liberatory theology, no matter what faith, tradition we belong to I think that is ultimately what should be bringing together.

Edith Meinhart
Muhammad Abu Nimer vergleicht die Lage im Nahen Osten mit Südafrika 1985 86 als das Regime der Apartheid ernsthaft herausgefordert, aber noch nicht erledigt ist. Sprich, die Wächter der Alten Welt ziehen in ihre letzte Schlacht und holen dafür ihre schlimmsten Waffen hervor. Für den Friedensforscher zeichnet sich ab, was danach kommt. Die Erkenntnis, dass der Kaiser nackt ist, dass es bis dahin noch ein weiter Weg ist, davon geht er aus. Damit schließe ich für heute. Ich danke Ihnen fürs Zuhören. Das war die heutige Ausgabe der Dunkelkammer.